2019上半年翻譯考試一級口譯實務漢譯英真題及參考答案

第一篇 WTO改革

和一個國家一樣，任何國際組織都需要與時俱進，WTO也不例外。多哈回合久拖不決，十多年來，發(fā)達成員數(shù)千億美元的農業(yè)補貼沒有一絲一毫的削減;電子商務等新興業(yè)態(tài)在全球市場上風生水起，WTO卻未能提供任何國際規(guī)范;更嚴重的是，面對今天甚囂塵上的單邊主義、保護主義狂潮，WTO難以進行有效地制約。

A country needs to keep up with the new developments, and so are the international organizations. WTO is no exception. The Doha Round has been dragging on for years. Over the past decade, the hundreds of millions of dollars in agricultural subsidies in the developed members have remained largely unchanged. But at the same time, new forms of business, such as e-commerce, have flourished across the world. WTO is not providing international norms to address any of these issues. What is even more alarming is that the organization seems to be losing effectiveness to rein in the rampage of unilateralism and protectionism.

因此，WTO需要改革、必須改革。同時，改革必須堅持正確的方向，采取恰當?shù)姆绞健?/p>

For all these reasons, WTO needs a reform. But the reform should be in the right direction and taking the right approach.

第一，改革必須堅持反對保護主義、單邊主義的方向，必須有助于推進世界范圍的貿易自由化、投資便利化進程，必須堅持非歧視的原則，必須充分發(fā)揚民主。改革不是另起爐灶，對已經(jīng)制定的規(guī)則，大家都要遵守;如有人破壞，應群起反對之。

First, the reform needs to be firmly set in the course of fighting against unilateralism and protectionism. It has to push for worldwide trade liberalization and investment facilitation. It has to stick to the principle of non-discrimination and adopt a democratic approach. Reform is not to reinvent the wheel. The existing rules must be fully respected and faithfully implemented. Reform is not an excuse for not implementing the rules, and any such attempt should be met with resistance from the members.

新的商業(yè)領域需要新規(guī)則，也應允許部分成員，也許可從志同道合的成員開始進行探索，但要充分聽取和考慮廣大發(fā)展中國家的意見和需求，最終形成多邊規(guī)則。

With respect to making new rules for new forms of business activities, we should allow members, maybe starting with groups of like-minded ones, to explore these issues, but we also need to duly consider the views and needs of the developing members and fully consult with them. Only through an inclusive process, can we maybe eventually reach multilateral outcomes.

第二，改革需要有優(yōu)先順序，循序漸進，不能好高騖遠。通過成員間的協(xié)商和談判，如果能夠盡快恢復WTO爭端解決機制的正常運轉，如果能夠在2019年如期達成漁業(yè)補貼協(xié)議，如果能在電子商務、投資便利化、中小微企業(yè)等議題的討論上有所進展，如果能夠在透明度等問題上也做出一些改善，對于將于2020年舉行的第12屆WTO貿易部長會議來說，已是功莫大焉。在上述領域的改革中，中國愿意發(fā)揮積極的、建設性的作用，并做出與自身能力相稱的貢獻。

Second, we need to prioritize and take a step-by-step approach, and stay away from moonshot targets. If, through consultations and negotiations among the members, we could expeditiously restore the proper functioning of the dispute settlement mechanism, achieve an agreement on fishery subsidies in 2019 as we planned, make progress on the new topics such as e-commerce, investment facilitation and MSMEs, make improvements in terms of transparency. If we can achieve these targets at the MC12 in 2020, I think we can already call it a success. China is willing to play a proactive and constructive role, and to make contributions within its capacities.

有人把WTO比喻成為一個患了嚴重疾病的人，如果是這樣的話，做出正確診斷比匆忙開出藥方更重要。今天的討論可以算是一次醫(yī)生的集體會診，類似的會診也許會以不同的方式進行多次，直到我們確認真正的病源是什么，然后再對癥下藥。

People sometimes say that the WTO is a patient in a critical state with multiple failing organs. If that is the case, urgently resorting the functioning of the organs and making the right diagnostics of the illness is more important that rushing to give prescriptions. Today’s discussion might be a group consultation of doctors to identify what is the cause of the illness and work on a plan for proper treatment. We might have many such group consultations in different formats so that we can have the right understanding of the issues and provide the right solutions.

我們每個人都知道WTO的危機來自何方。任何一個國家或者個人對WTO的態(tài)度，都只是WTO改革的背景，而不是改革的原因。當然我們必須要做最壞的打算，但我不想針對假設性的問題花費過多的時間。我只想說，我們會在自己的能力和職責范圍內，努力推動正確的WTO改革。

We all know where the crisis of WTO comes from, but whatever a particular country or a particular individual thinks about the WTO, it can only serve as the context rather than the reason for the reform of the WTO. Of course, we have to prepare for the worst, but I don’t want to spend too much time on hypothetical scenarios. I just want to say that we will, within our capacities and responsibilities, work hard to push for the right reform of the WTO.

題目來源： 中國常駐世界貿易組織代表團張向晨大使在法國經(jīng)濟財政部、外交部組織的研討會午餐時的發(fā)言

第二篇 “一帶一路”倡議

“一帶一路”倡議提出以來，許多國家都將其視為和中國合作的機會和平臺。但是也有批評認為，中國的“一帶一路”所提供的的貸款，加大了例如斯里蘭卡等國的債務，使他們無力償還。 但是一帶一路倡議實施僅僅五年，中國是國際投融資市場的后來者。中國公司走出去，在國外投資也有限。

Many countries see the BRI as an opportunity and a platform for closer cooperation with China. One criticism that people have raised is the idea of debt. The idea that many of the loans or the investments involved loans from China to the countries like Sri Lanka may make them take on too much debt and they won't be able to fund them. China is a latecomer in international investment and financing markets. It's just been five years since the BRI was put forward. And it hasn't been that many years since Chinese companies started to explore the global market.

根據(jù)斯里蘭卡中央銀行的統(tǒng)計數(shù)據(jù)，2017年中國的貸款僅占斯里蘭卡外債的10%左右，其中 60%是低于國際市場利率的優(yōu)惠貸款。因此，很明顯，斯里蘭卡外債負擔，并不是中國的責任。實際上債務有很多因素構成，包括一個國家的歷史舊賬、國際經(jīng)濟環(huán)境的變化，包括儲備貨幣上漲、其他國家利率上調、大宗商品價格的下降等。

According to the 2017 annual report issued by its central bank, Sri Lanka's total foreign debt is over US$50 billion. China only accounts for about 10%. Plus, over 60% of Chinese loans are concessional loans, with an interest rate much lower than the international level. The cause for debt is complicated and involves many factors, including economic fundamentals, historical debt baggage, or changing international and economic environment like rising protectionism, interest rates hike in some advanced economies, appreciation of major reserve currencies as well as plummeting commodity prices.

斯里蘭卡的港口建設，實際上是斯里蘭卡邀請中方進行的。斯里蘭卡一直希望打造全球性的物流和倉儲中心，但是因為內亂和戰(zhàn)爭， 始終沒有如愿。如今斯里蘭卡局勢穩(wěn)定，因此希望中國參與建設。一開始中國企業(yè)不了解當?shù)鼐謩荩灿泻芏嗒q豫，最后經(jīng)過大量研究、探討，雙方終于達成共識，組建合資企業(yè)，股權共有。 但是我要強調的是，港口的主權和所有權都屬于斯里蘭卡，建設完成后，如果斯里蘭卡覺得有必要，可以購回股權。

About the Hambantota port, the project was built and run at the request of the Sri Lankan side. For years, Sri Lanka had hoped to make good use of its geographical location and build the country into a logistic and warehouse hub in the Indian ocean. In the past, because of civil war and conflict, they were unable to do so. Now the situation is stable, to build an international port is back on their agenda. And they looked for help from China. The idea of the operation right also came from the Sri Lankan side. The Chinese company was hesitant at first because they were not familiar with such situation. After careful studies and rounds of consultation and negotiation, the Chinese company overcame difficulties and reached agreement with the Sri Lankan side to set up two joint ventures, and had acquired corresponding stakes. I want to stress that the sovereignty over and ownership of the Hambantota port belong to Sri Lanka throughout the process. When it is done, if it so needs, Sri Lanka can repurchase part of or all stakes from the Chinese company until it takes it all back.

也有人將“一帶一路”與馬歇爾計劃相比較。“一帶一路”與馬歇爾計劃有相似之處，它們都是在和平時期促進基礎設施發(fā)展的倡議。但是“一帶一路”與馬歇爾計劃存在本質區(qū)別。首先一帶一路”比“馬歇爾計劃”既古老得多，又年輕得多。說古老，是因為“一帶一路”傳承著具有兩千多年歷史的古代絲綢之路精神，是古代絲綢之路精神的現(xiàn)代版本。說年輕，是因為“一帶一路”誕生于全球化時代，是開放合作的產物，不是地緣政治的工具，不同于馬歇爾計劃，因為它誕生于冷戰(zhàn)期間，是美蘇爭霸的產物。其次，“一帶一路”重在強調不同國家間的相互交流和互聯(lián)互通。

Some compare the Belt and Road Initiative to the Marshall plan. It may appear that the two initiatives have something in common, as they are both about investment in infrastructure in peacetime. But other than that, they cannot be more different. First, time-line wise, the Belt and Road Initiative ( BRI ) is older and also younger than the Marshall Plan. Older because it draws inspiration from the spirit of the ancient Silk Road with over 2000 years of history, hence the modern version of the Silk Road. It is younger than the Marshall plan, because it was conceived in the 21st century, an era of globalization, and born out of opening-up and cooperation. Secondly, the Marshall Plan was introduced during the Cold War dominated by rivalry between the United States and the former Soviet Union. Therefore it had clear geopolitical and ideological goals. The BRI, on the other hand, focuses on economic cooperation and connectivity.

題目來源：2018年9月10日外交部副部長樂玉成接受英國《金融時報》亞洲版總編吉密歐專訪就“一帶一路”倡議有關問題闡述了中方政策立場